"I have enough time to rest, but I don't have a minute to waste". Come and catch me with your wise words and we will have some fun with our words of wisdom.
Although Tibetan singer Asang has been released by the Chinese government, his family remains under tight control, particularly online. Asang and his wife have found it challenging to resume their online business via their well-known social media platform, encountering repeated disruptions. Additionally, visits from family members have been scarce since his release, a situation largely attributed to the stringent measures and oversight enforced by the Chinese authorities.
Tibetan Singer Disappears After Singing ‘Prince of Peace’ Honoring His Holiness the great 14th Dalai Lama
My first glimpse of him was an unforgettable image shared by an activist on social media: a young Tibetan warrior with the word Tibet ‘བོད།’ inscribed on his head, an old rifle slung over his shoulder. He was captured in a moment of communal pride, held aloft by the people of his hometown during a religious ceremony at the Ngaba Kirti Monastery. This monastery has long been a center of resistance against Chinese rule.
But this was only the beginning of his defiance. As Tibetans worldwide celebrated the 90th birthday of His Holiness the great 14th Dalai Lama in July 2025, the young singer re-sang “Prince of Peace,” a song honoring His Holiness the Dalai Lama. This was an act of profound patriotism in a land where singing such songs is a crime. He followed in the footsteps of his mentor, the patriot singer Gebey, who also faced imprisonment for his music.
The Chinese government, in its relentless campaign of cultural assimilation and “sinicization,” aims to erase the very word “Tibet” from global discourse, replacing it with the colonial term “Xizang.” Under this oppressive regime, the singer, identified as Asang, was under constant surveillance, a scrutiny that extended even to his wedding day. Two weeks after his tribute to His Holiness the great 14th Dalai Lama, he was arrested. His pregnant wife and two year old son were left in an agonizing void, with no knowledge of his whereabouts.
When video of his performance surfaced, a wave of admiration and fear washed over our exiled Tibetan community. While many praised his bravery, others, conditioned by years of Chinese oppression, urged for the video’s removal. “Sharing this puts them at risk. Many have been imprisoned by the authorities because of posts like this, so it’s better not to share it,” one commenter wrote, reflecting a narrative of fear that China perpetuates.
Nyiwoe la, who had shared the post, countered this sentiment, stating, “They were imprisoned by the Chinese authorities. The idea that Tibetans in exile are to blame for these arrests is a narrative straight from China. The singer himself posted this on social media, and the Chinese couldn’t stop him. What is the point of us stopping it now? His courage deserves to be respected and praised.”
To another who advocated for silence, the response was a stark reminder of the cost of defiance: “If they wanted to remain silent, they wouldn’t risk their lives to sing.”
The news of his imprisonment confirmed our worst fears, sending ripples of worry through the Tibetan community for him and his young family.
His story is tragically common. Numerous Tibetan singers have been jailed for honoring His Holiness the great 14th Dalai Lama and their leaders in exile. In defiance of this censorship, Students for a Free Tibet-India organized a “Banned Music” night, where exiled singers performed the forbidden songs, ensuring their voices, and the voices of our imprisoned brethren, would not be silenced. During the banned music night I stated, “Inside Tibet, singing in praise of exiled leaders means risking immediate imprisonment. But while the Chinese authorities can lock away the singers, they can never lock away their songs. So we, in exile, sing for them—ensuring their voices break free from that iron grip.”
The undying spirit of Tibetans in Tibet continues to be a powerful counter-narrative to Chinese propaganda that claims they are happy and content. Each arrest, each act of resistance, exposes this lie and highlights China’s failure to win the hearts and minds of the Tibetan people.
The deepest desire of Tibetans in Tibet is to witness the return of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama to a free Tibet. This hope sustains them, even through the unimaginable torture of Chinese prisons, a hope that they will one day hear his voice and see him on the golden throne of the grand Potala Palace. It is a hope that fuels their resilience and a dream that haunts them in every sleepless night.
Inspired by their courage, we will continue to do whatever it takes to amplify their voices and work towards the restoration of Tibet’s rightful independence. The time is now for the Chinese government to engage with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and our political leaders to resume dialogue and find a peaceful, lasting resolution. This window of opportunity will not remain open forever, and China will bear the weight of the consequences should it fail to act.
Translated lyrics of the song “Prince of Peace”
“ As a youth, you were born in Amdo,
You left your footprints in Central Tibet,
And your noble deeds flourished in the Noble Land of India,
We remember you, O Prince of Peace.
We, the people blessed by the Dharma, do not treasure
Ornaments made of gold, turquoise and coral,
Nor garments sewn from tiger, leopard, fox or otter skin,
It is your heartfelt advice and teachings that we remember now.
I have recently completed reading Kungo Tashi Wangdi la’s memoir, “My Life – Born in Free Tibet, Served in Exile.” The author’s lifelong devotion to the Tibetan cause is truly inspiring and edifying, exemplifying the unwavering commitment of the older generation. Kungo la’s narrative provides a candid and transparent account of his life, from his childhood memories in a free Tibet to the challenging initial experiences of exile. He recounts leaving loved ones behind in Missamari to pursue education in Mussoorie and subsequently dedicating himself to exile governance when his skills were most needed.
The memoir poignantly portrays the deplorable living conditions during their tenure at the Central Tibetan Administration, including the cramped, rat-sized rooms they shared. The countless times they traversed the distance between McLeod Ganj and Gangkyi, Gangkyi and Dharamshala on foot, even for the smallest tasks, demonstrate remarkable dedication and resilience.
Throughout his career, Kungo la served as a Kalon (minister) in various capacities across all departments except Finance. Notably, he held roles as a bureau officer and was responsible for accompanying His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama on numerous international visits, providing detailed accounts of travel assistance and the leaders met during these visits. Kungo la’s involvement in the Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister) election, marked by his active engagement in campaign activities and unwavering commitment to democratic principles, is especially commendable.
His continued service in various capacities post-retirement further demonstrates his enduring commitment to Tibet’s cause. The detailed accounts presented in this memoir serve as a testament to the transparency and sincerity characteristic of elder Tibetan statesmen of Kungo la’s stature. His life story provides valuable insights into the Tibetan Freedom Movement and the dedication of those who have devoted their lives to this cause. There are life lessons to be learned by all Tibetans, especially civil servants in the Central Tibetan Administration.
Kungo la has graciously shared the humorous situations from his life in his memoir, with the intention of bringing joy and levity to the reader. Furthermore, he has demonstrated remarkable courage in addressing certain remarks made in the “Noodle makers of Kalingpong”, which pertained to him personally and required a bold response.
It is also important to note that, despite its thickness, the memoir is written in accessible language, rendering it an effortless read. The pages will unfold with ease, much like a flowing stream, once the reader embarks on this engaging narrative.
Kungo la, like many of his contemporaries, remains steadfast in his belief in the ‘good will and support of the Chinese people’. I earnestly hope that the Chinese people will meet the expectations of our esteemed elders and demonstrate moral integrity, thereby contributing to the welfare of Tibet and their own future. However, it is also important to recognize that, should this not transpire, the Tibetan youth will remain steadfast in our commitment to our cause. Our resolve and resilience will only intensify as the situation within Tibet continues to deteriorate with each passing day.
I had the privilege of meeting Kungo la during a recent former executive meeting of the Tibetan Youth Congress, held at the TYC office, and was profoundly inspired and encouraged by his visionary outlook and unwavering dedication to the cause.
Compiled by Jane Perkins jane perkins Dharamsala <hermitjane2002@yahoo.com>
Impassioned protest gathering at the stone lion’s (do senge lam) crossing in Lhasa, March 10, 1959
1959 THE FIRST TIBETAN PEOPLE’S UPRISING
From the early 1950s The People’s Republic of China consolidated its 1949/’50 invasion of Tibet by constructing airfields, building roads leading to India’s border, stationing over 10,000 People’s Liberation Army troops in Lhasa, destroying monasteries, executing monks and sending thousands more to labour camps.
By 1957 Tibet’s eastern province, Kham, was in open revolt. Khampa raids on remote Chinese outposts and barracks provoked reprisals; tens of thousands of Khampas then marched towards Lhasa, doubling the capital’s population.
Enraged by the Khampa revolt and resistance, the Chinese generals in Lhasa – led by General Tan Guansan – put increasing pressure on the youthful Fourteenth Dalai Lama and his ministers to control their activities. In mid-February 1959 the Chinese discovered that promises of a “committee to discuss Khampa activities and report to the Chinese” was a fiction of the Tibetan Prime Minister, Surkhang, and his Cabinet. In reality, guns and ammunition were being distributed nationwide to prepare for armed revolt.
The defection of a key Chinese general on February 24 to the Tibetan resistance triggered open confrontation. “Under Communism I have no liberty,” General Chang Hwating confided to a Tibetan official. “The Communists treat all human beings like animals and I don’t believe we Chinese have any right to be in Tibet.” General Tan – a ruthless veteran of Mao’s Long March – ranted at the Cabinet that they had “one week to return the Chinese general. Otherwise …!” The week ended on March 3 1959.
THE PEOPLE REVOLT On March 4 the Dalai Lama was to take an oral examination for his geshe (doctorate) degree at the Jokhang – Lhasa’s main cathedral. But on March 3 a traitor scholar-monk facilitated an unscheduled meeting in the Jokhang between two PLA officers and the Dalai Lama to deliver General Tan’s invitation to a theatrical performance at the main Chinese army camp.
Within hours of this meeting, Peking Radio announced that the Dalai Lama had agreed to visit Beijing – an invitation which Tibet’s leader had carefully, in fact, been bypassing. Lhasa’s reaction was that the broadcast was a ploy to force the Dalai Lama to leave Tibet.
The mood for revolt was permeating Lhasa when, on March 7, the Dalai Lama agreed to attend the military’s theatrical performance on March 10. Violating standard protocol, on March 9 Tibetan security was ordered not to provide armed bodyguards to escort the Dalai Lama to the entertainment next day. The result? Rumours flew around Lhasa that their ruler was about to be kidnapped.
By sunset on March 9 thousands of citizens had ringed the yellow walls of the Norbulingka park and palaces – summer residence of the Dalai Lamas. In the city, a petition had been sent to New Delhi for help. As night fell over Norbulingka, patriotic songs rose from the crowd and shouts of “Tibet for Tibetans”. March 10 morning saw more than 10,000 Tibetans forming a human barricade against the Dalai Lama leaving his palace walls – thereby defying their leader’s own decision.
Seeing an imminent clash between the Tibetan people and Chinese army stationed in Lhasa, His Holiness the Dalai Lama left Lhasa on the night of March 17, quietly, without the knowledge of general public. He left for South Tibet to de-escalate the situation in Lhasa.
CITIZEN RULE To lower the crowd’s anger, Surkhang invited them to choose representatives to talk to, and work with, those inside the Norbulingka. This gave birth to the Freedom Committee – a body of around 60 workers, peasants, traders and businessmen who then worked with the Cabinet during the crisis. Soon the patriotic crowd was issuing orders to security personnel and ministers via the Freedom Committee. Vehicles and pedestrians leaving or entering Norbulingka were stopped and searched by those vigilante citizens.
By late on March 10 Surkhang informed the Dalai Lama that his Cabinet had decided that he must “be prepared, if necessary, to set up his government outside Lhasa until help could come from India or the Western countries”. The escape plans began to formalize and by March 17, they were enacted. Disguised as one of his own bodyguard, bearing a rifle, the Dalai Lama marched away from his summer palace to a life of refuge in India.
THE WOMEN’S ASSOCIATION ROLE The day of the Dalai Lama’s escape, as Tibetans prepared for certain bloodshed in Lhasa, 500 members of the Tibetan Women’s Association took out a major street demonstration. “… a solid phalanx of women came into view”, recalls a witness, “marching along the Yuthok Road … singing, carrying banners reading ‘Tibet for Tibetans’…”
The Association had been formed in the 1950s as a welfare organization, but its loyalties and activities were increasingly mistrusted by the Chinese occupation administration. In late February, General Tan had burst into a Women’s Association meeting, haranguing members and shouting: “Where there’s rotten meat the flies will gather. Get rid of the meat and the flies will case you no more trouble” – alluding to the Khampa guerrilla fighters as flies and the Dalai Lama as rotten meat.
THE LHASA UPRISING March 20 – Bloody Friday At 2a.m. Lhasa was woken by artillery shells firing on the Norbulingka. By dawn battle began. The PLA had ringed the city with tanks and all exits were blocked. Street and alleys were barricaded and machine guns aimed down from rooftops and upper windows.
Meanwhile the 8,000-strong Tibetan Army was mainly deployed at strategic points around the city – 4,000 soldiers, alone, positioned to cover the Dalai Lama’s escape southwards. The defence inside the capital was mainly in the hands of civilians, “…ordinary simple people who had only asked to be left alone, who had hardly ever raised a finger in anger, had now been pushed so far that reason no longer counted,” writes war correspondent Noel Barber in From the Land of Lost Content*. “Lhasa had now reached that moment of the spirit when even victory was unimportant, when death and defeat were preferable to inaction.”
Women hauled sandbags and bales of wet wool to build barricades around the Jokhang so ammunition and arms could be supplied from the cathedral’s arsenal. Khampas, swords flashing, stormed Chinese positions to be mown down by machine gun fire. Chinese mortars thudded into the streets.
In the pitched battles of March 20, the Tibetans were dominant and inflicted heavy casualties on Chinese troops – on an estimated ratio of five Chinese for every dead Tibetan. But the day’s toll of dead civilian citizens is between 2-3,000 – including 20 women trapped in the Women’s Association building who were machine-gunned when they refused to surrender to a Chinese patrol. Writes the London Daily Mail’s Noel Barber: “The people of Lhasa, knowing only that their god was being hunted like an animal, were seized with a fury that made them utterly indifferent to the overpowering odds against them.”
MARCH 21 – THE DAY OF SAVAGE KILLING By Day Two, the heart of Lhasa, the Jokhang area, was a besieged fortress, with Tibetans isolated and blocked off from reinforcements. In the afternoon an hour-long mortar bombardment killed every man defending the cathedral’s makeshift barricades.
Day-long battles – both military and civilian – raged in a dozen locations while merciless hand-to-hand fighting erupted in congested streets and narrow alleys. Guerrilla warfare tactics, using grenades and shells, were employed to make assaults on Chinese strongholds – the city’s requisitioned houses and PLA army camps.
Later morning the Norbulingka came under artillery bombardment, followed by machine gun and mortar fire, leaving devastating damage within the 10-ft high granite walls. The London Daily Telegraph correspondent, George Patterson, reported that “…800 shells were poured into the Norbulingka, destroying about 300 houses belonging to leading officials.” Chinese militia then checked every corpse to see whether their prime target, the “rebel leader, the bandit chieftain” had been eliminated.
With unlimited reserves of men, and modern weapons at hand, the Chinese occupation force annihilated Tibet’s spirited resistance fighter and by day’s end the dead joined the litter of empty mortar shells and bullet cases on Lhasa’s streets. Smoke smouldered from the petrol bombs made and hurled throughout the day by the women of Lhasa.
As around 10,000 Tibetans crushed into the Jokhang Square that night, rumours circulated that Chinese tanks would be deployed there next morning.
MARCH 22 – FALL OF THE HOLY CITY The bombardment to eliminate Tibetan resistance broke out at dawn when a Chinese mortar landed in the sacred Jokhang’s inner courtyard. So the final assault began, and by early afternoon probably half of the 10-15,000 Tibetan killed in these three bloody days of conflict had lost their lives.
Having pounded strongholds of resistance fighters to rubble, PLA tanks then turned their sights on the 7th century cathedral and its populated precincts. This final battle raged for three hours until, at around 2p.m., loudspeakers started blaring out across Lhasa.
The first voice was the military supremo, General Tan, telling the citizens that if they layed down their arms all would be forgiven. The next recorded message was from Ngabo Ngawang Jigme – a Tibetan Cabinet minister-turned- collaborator – ordering the fighting to halt in the name of the government. The Dalai Lama, he informed the silenced audience, was alive but “abducted against his will” by “reactionaries”.
With this unauthorized command, Ngabo – who lives on today in Beijing – brought the First Tibetan People’s Uprising to its finale. And the surviving resistance fighters shouldered their arms and possessions and melted away to the mountains, determined to fight another day.
2008 TIBETAN UPRISING IN TIBET, SUPPORTED BY TIBETANS AND PEOPLE ACROSS THE WORLD MARKED A NEW PHASE IN THE STRUGGLE.
*From the Land of Lost Content: The Dalai Lama’s fight for Tibet by Noel Barber: 1969, Collins, London. (A reconstruction of events based on eye-witness accounts).
In a startling development, Golok Palden, a renowned Tibetan singer celebrated for his charisma and sense of humor, has been detained and sentenced to three years for singing a patriotic song. Golok Palden gained popularity for his captivating performances in traditional song competitions earlier this year, earning praise and love from Tibetans across the globe.
The Chinese government’s repressive policies have taken a concerning turn, particularly targeting Tibetan intellectuals dedicated to preserving and promoting Tibetan culture. Golok Palden’s case serves as a stark example of the oppressive measures imposed on those who strive to uphold their cultural identity.
I call on the support of advocacy groups and human rights organizations for his immediate release, emphasizing the importance of protecting the rich Tibetan cultural heritage from forced assimilation policies implemented by the Chinese government.
This incident underscores the broader challenges faced by Tibetan artists and intellectuals who find themselves in the crosshairs of policies that aim to suppress dissent and erode the distinct cultural identity of Tibetans.
This powerful story encapsulates the profound sacrifice and unwavering commitment of a Tibetan prisoner. This narrative revolves around Takna Jigme Sangpo la, a Tibetan political prisoner faced with a pivotal choice.
Amidst adversity, Takna Jigme Sangpo la was presented with an opportunity to leave prison and seek medical treatment in the United States. However, this prospect came with a daunting condition—a commitment to never return to his beloved Tibet. In the face of this ultimatum, Takna Jigme Sangpo la made a choice that would resonate through the corridors of history.
When questioned about his seemingly unconventional decision, his response echoed with the clarity of purpose and a profound commitment to the cause of freedom: “I want to return to a Free Tibet.” These words encapsulate not just a personal longing but the collective aspiration of a people yearning for freedom from oppression and the restoration of fundamental rights.
Takna Jigme Sangpo la’s story embodies profound resilience and an unwavering dedication to the dream of a free homeland. It illustrates that the pursuit of freedom and justice often demands sacrifices, both personal and profound. His refusal to compromise on principles, even in the face of personal freedom, stands as a testament to the enduring spirit that beats within the heart of the Tibetan people.
In stories like these, we find inspiration—a reminder that the flame of freedom burns brightest in the hearts that refuse to be extinguished. Takna Jigme Sangpo la, Tibet’s longest-serving political prisoner until his release in 2002 due to international pressure, remains an enduring symbol of courage, determination, and the unyielding pursuit of a brighter future.
May his story echo as a source of inspiration, urging us all to stand firm in our convictions and work tirelessly towards a world where freedom and justice prevail.
Introduction: We have a deep and strong connection with our leader, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who holds immense significance in our fight for freedom and the preservation of our rich culture. However, under Chinese rule, Tibetans in Tibet face limitations on their religious and cultural practices, including restrictions on publicly commemorating significant events related to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.
Restrictions and Challenges Faced by Tibetans in Tibet: Under Chinese rule, Tibetans are unable to openly display images of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama or publicly celebrate his birthday. Such restrictions have created an environment where observing His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s birthday openly is seen as an act of defiance against Chinese authorities. These restrictions are part of the Chinese government’s policy towards Tibet, which has been forcefully imposed for the past six decades.
Finding Ways to Honor and Celebrate: Despite the restrictions, Tibetans in Tibet have found creative ways to honor and celebrate His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s birthday. Symbolic mediums, such as offering butter lamps and Sangsols on high hills and mountains, are some of the common ways to demonstrate their devotion. As the Chinese began to impose more tighter rules and regulations, Tibetans express their wishes for His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s well-being by posting the numeric representation of his age and symbols like his hat, hands, and slippers.
Resilience and Faith of the Tibetan People: The resilience and unwavering faith of Tibetans in the face of adversity are their greatest strengths. Despite physical constraints and mental torture imposed by Chinese authorities, they maintain deep trust in Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and his leadership. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s message of hope and resilience resonates with Tibetans around the world, serving as a symbol of inspiration.
Expressions of Devotion: Tibetans express their devotion through heartfelt messages alongside images of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s hand. One message translates to “Long live the lifeline of the snow land, the Symbol of Peace,” while another conveys birthday wishes on his 88th birthday. These expressions reflect the deep reverence and longing for his safe return to a free Tibet.
Social media Pictures posted by the Tibetans in Tibet.
Conclusion: The restrictions faced by Tibetans in Tibet regarding the celebration and expression of their devotion to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama highlight the ongoing struggle for freedom and cultural preservation. Despite these challenges, Tibetans in Tibet find alternative ways to honor and celebrate the auspicious occasions of their root guru. The unwavering faith and resilience of the Tibetan people serve as a testament to their deep spiritual connection and their commitment to the cause of Tibetan freedom.
I had an opportunity to attend a discussion on the Report, “Desecration in Drago County” published by the Tibet Watch and the Free Tibet. This is one of the many pieces of evidence coming out of Tibet at the cost of many lives.
“Violence ensued with the Chinese police firing upon an entire family of a Tibetan protester, including their dog, a Tibetan mastiff. Described by the source as a “rainstorm of bullets” (Tib: མེ་མདས་དྲག་ཆར་།), the shooting was reported by Tibetan media outlets» but not covered in wider English language media. Encircled at their home, the gunfire killed two brothers: Yeshi Samdup and his cousin Yeshi Rigsel. Their sibling Yonten Sangpo was shot in his neck, and Sanglha, their mother who was in her 70s, was shot in her left hand. Yonten’s wife was tied outside her home in handcuffs while their house was ransacked by the police authorities; a sacred golden statue and some cash kept at their house was seized and their motorcycle was burned. Five little girls were also wounded. The police then tied a noose around the neck of Yeshi Samdup and Yeshi Rigsel and dragged their bodies downhill. Even as Yonten was profusely bleeding from the gunshot in his neck, he was forcibly taken to the police station and beaten without mercy.”
We could imagine something like this happene only in the movies. But this is happening in Tibet, and Tibetans are witnessing and experiencing it in thier everyday lives.
Tibetan man named Tseten was arrested a month ago from Dzendu, and his where about is unheard since then.
Amidst Chinese authorities arbitrarily arrest and detaining Tibetans with various baseless allegations and accusations, Tseten from Kyekudo was arrested by the Dzendu police in August. His where about is still not disclosed by the Chinese authorities.
The unnamed source from Tibet says, Tseten was arrest from Dzendu on his return from home town Chumar Lapzong, where he visited to meet his family members and relatives. His family members are still uninformed about on what ground he was arrested.
Although his family members visited police stations to inquire about the reasons of his arrest, the authorities have not shared any information. They were threatened by the authorities not to visit the station again.
In the recent years, Chinese government has been imparting patriotic education in the government schools and forcefully shutting down the Tibetan run schools that primarily focus in preserving the Tibetan language and culture. The writers, intellectuals and social service activist are constantly targeted and arbitrarily arrested with various baseless allegations and accusations.
On 24th August, five Tibetans from Serther Country in eastern Tibet were arrested in connection to organizing religious activities and one of them was killed with inhuman torture in prison.
Rinchen Dhondup along with seven other Tibetans were detained for sharing Covid-related photos and videos and are presently under the so-called Law counselling programme. Amidst the rise in Covid cases in Tibet, China continue to enforce its Lockdown policies in the Tibet Autonomous Region and other parts of Tibet for the past month. Many Tibetans have been forcefully put into quarantine centres, which were poorly facilitated without proper meals and bedding facilities.
Rinchen Dhondup along with seven other Tibetans from Shantsazong, Lhasa and Chumar Lapzong were arrested for airing and sharing Covid-related information.
According to a source, they were arrested for sharing videos and photos about poorly facilitated quarantine centres where all the Tibetans with or without covid symptoms were put together without providing proper medical facilities and meals.
All of them are unschooled Tibetan nomads. They were detained in a security office at Nagchu for five days and were interrogated about to whom and how they shared the information. later, they were punished with 3000 yuans each and are presently under the so-called Law counselling programme.
With Covid cases rising in recent months, in the name of Covid, Chinese authorities tighten their control over Tibetans and many monks from other regions were evicted from the Yarchen Gar Buddhist monastery.